Tamari Bibichadze: Romania can play a pivotal role in Georgia’s path towards EU accession

Tamari Bibichadze: Romania can play a pivotal role in Georgia’s path towards EU accession

Ms. Tamari Bibichadze is a member of the non-governmental organization YATA Georgia, one of the most important civil society platforms in the Republic of Georgia.

K.P.: How did the Russian invasion in Ukraine influence Georgian political life?

T.B.: The Russia-Ukraine war has had a significant impact on Georgia, and it is unsurprising that a large portion of society views the war’s outcomes as a turning point for Georgia’s future. The current polarization within the country has had a severe impact on Georgia’s foreign policy objectives and internal political situation, hindering the establishment of unified positions. Following the aggression by Russia, it is crucial to promptly identify opportunities and risks and address these issues rationally within Georgia.

First and foremost, it should be acknowledged that the Russia-Ukraine war has created a framework of opportunities that Ukraine and Moldova, two members of the associated trio, have successfully capitalized on. They have been granted candidate status while Georgia, despite demonstrating fairly positive indicators, was denied due to its internal political situation. This situation appears to foster a trend of growing “distance” from Europe, manifested in the country’s increasingly significant engagement with Russia. For instance, the visa regime with Russia was lifted on May 15, and in 2022, Russia became one of Georgia’s top trade partners, ranking in the top three for trade turnover in terms of both exports and imports. Concurrently, the number of Russian migrants has risen, with approximately 1.5 million crossing the border, resulting in over 2 billion GEL entering Georgia’s budget. Additionally, around 17,000 companies registered by Russians are operating in Georgia, with over 5,000 new businesses registered in the first three months of 2023 alone. Naturally, these developments increase risks, particularly the primary peril of pursuing an independent national policy. As dependence on Russia grows, the country becomes increasingly vulnerable to foreign political threats. Prime Minister Gharibashvili emphasized at the Qatar Economic Forum that severing economic ties with Russia would have catastrophic consequences for the country.

On the other hand, the Russia-Ukraine war has had a significant impact on Georgia’s domestic political landscape. An unprecedentedly high percentage of the Georgian population, 82%, supports Georgia’s accession to the European Union, with many believing that the government is not doing enough to achieve this goal. Recently, negative sentiment toward the ruling party has increased, despite their active pursuit of double-digit economic growth.

The Russia-Ukraine war has rekindled painful memories of the 2008 war and sparked concerns about the future among segments of society. Consequently, the ruling party has begun manipulating the discourse around peace. They assert that the West aims to open a second front in Georgia and argue for maintaining peace and stability. They have also called for sanctions. Prime Minister Gharibashvili, for example, deems it unreasonable to urge partners to cease trade, economic activities, and flights with Russia, citing the fact that the European Union engages in trade with Russia. However, the current situation does not align with this claim, as the European Union reduced its foreign trade with Russia by 64.4% in the first quarter of 2023. The war has also accentuated the preexisting democratic issues in Georgia, leading to several intense situations. One notable example is the Law on Foreign Agents, commonly known among a large portion of the Georgian population as the “Russian Law.” Its attempted adoption sparked significant protests and resulted in clashes between law enforcement agencies and civilians.

The most prominent development has been the strong support from the majority of society for Ukraine. Young people, especially Gen-Z, have become active participants and played a crucial role in opposing the Russian law. Georgia faces significant challenges, ranging from its distancing from the West to the growing dependence on Russia. However, the unity of the population and the activism of the youth provide hope for positive changes. It is also worth mentioning the President of Georgia, Salome Zurabishvili, who recently made commendable moves by pardoning Nika Gvaramia, the director of the “Mtavari Channel” and a prominent opposition journalist.

Foto: Facebook
Foto: Facebook

K.P.:What are the perspectives of Georgian -EU and Georgia-NATO relations?

T.B.: The Russia-Ukraine war has underscored the urgent need for European integration in Georgia. It serves as a reminder to Europe that the 2008 war was not an isolated incident, and Russia has shown a willingness to invade other states if given the opportunity. Consequently, the security concerns of Eastern European countries have become increasingly important for EU member states. Georgia perceives the European Union as its main partner in addressing security problems and advancing democratic and economic reforms, as demonstrated by the overwhelming support of 82% of the country’s population. In addition to the security aspects, Georgia recognizes the potential economic benefits and opportunities that closer integration with the European Union brings. Access to larger markets, foreign investment, and technological advancements are among the key drivers for seeking stronger economic ties with the EU.

The Russia-Ukraine war has also highlighted the importance of reconciliation and peace-building efforts in Georgia. The unresolved conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where Russia exerts decisive influence, present significant challenges. Georgia has actively pursued reconciliation, fostering dialogue, and seeking peaceful solutions to these conflicts. Furthermore, Georgia places great emphasis on security cooperation with NATO. While the issue of NATO membership lies in the relatively distant future, there is a growing sense of urgency to pursue it. Joining NATO would not only enhance Georgia’s defense capabilities but also deepen cooperation in areas such as defense reforms, military training, and interoperability.

However, the presence of Russian military bases in the occupied territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia poses a significant obstacle to Georgia’s path to NATO membership. According to NATO procedures, a country is typically accepted if it has no territorial disputes. Resolving these conflicts and achieving territorial integrity are vital steps for Georgia’s NATO aspirations.

To further strengthen its position, Georgia engages in diplomatic efforts with both the EU and NATO. These include high-level visits, diplomatic negotiations, and active participation in multilateral forums. By actively seeking diplomatic engagement, Georgia aims to enhance its relationship with these institutions and solidify its commitment to European and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Lastly, public perception and awareness play a crucial role in Georgia’s integration efforts. Building public awareness and understanding fosters support for these integration processes and ensures the alignment of public opinion with the country’s strategic objectives. Russia-Ukraine war has highlighted the imperative for Georgia to pursue European integration, focusing on security cooperation with the EU and NATO. The unresolved conflicts and the presence of Russian military bases pose challenges, but Georgia remains committed to reconciliation efforts and the pursuit of its territorial integrity.

K.P.: Civil society in Georgia plays an important part in the Europeanization and democratization of Georgia. What can be done by the EU/West to help this process? Can Georgian civil society be a model for the region?

T.B.: Civil society in Georgia plays a vital role in the process of Europeanization and democratization of the country. It is a key driving force that compels the government to make decisions that benefit the nation. For instance, following the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war, Georgia swiftly rallied in support of Ukraine, with society uniting and holding demonstrations. This solidarity was accompanied by unprecedented humanitarian aid, and Georgian volunteers even traveled to Ukraine to fight alongside them. A significant portion of Georgian society considers the war in Ukraine as their own.

Another achievement of civil society is the thwarting of the law on foreign agents. During critical moments, civil society consistently assumes a pivotal stance for the country. Over the past two years, they have achieved noteworthy successes, both small and large. To further strengthen civil society and safeguard them against undue pressure, the EU can provide financial and technical assistance. This assistance may encompass training courses, various programs, workshops, and mentoring initiatives aimed at enhancing their organizational and advocacy skills. Moreover, increased funding opportunities and grants from the European Union would enable Georgian civil organizations to effectively carry out their activities.

Facilitating information and knowledge exchange between Georgian civil society actors and their counterparts in the EU and other countries is crucial. This can be realized through study visits, conferences, and platforms that facilitate the sharing of best practices and experiences in promoting democracy and European values. Additionally, active engagement of the EU with civil society organizations in policy dialogue and decision-making processes, including regular consultations and involvement in formulating policies and reforms related to democratization, human rights, and European integration, is of utmost importance.

Regarding the civil society model of Georgia for the region, it should be acknowledged that Georgia has a long history of resilience against challenges. Despite being targeted by numerous empires in the past, the Georgian people have consistently demonstrated their resolve. Even today, civil society representatives effectively handle the challenges facing the country. Their continued activism will contribute to the achievement of desired goals. Georgia has made significant progress in developing an active and issue-oriented civil society, with civil organizations playing a crucial role in advocating democratic reforms, promoting human rights, and fostering social inclusion. The experiences, successes, and challenges of Georgian civil society can serve as valuable lessons for other countries in the region.

However, it is important to recognize that each country has its own unique context, and the development of civil society may vary. Economic reforms, for example, may have justified outcomes in some newly formed post-Soviet states while causing economic shocks in others. While successful mechanisms can be applied in a general context, it is essential to consider the uniqueness of each country’s historical examples.

In conclusion, by actively supporting Georgian civil society and fostering regional cooperation, the European Union and the West can contribute to the processes of Europeanization and democratization in Georgia. This collective effort has the potential to set a positive example for the region.

K.P.: What is the political and economic importance of the Black Sea for the Republic of Georgia in the 21 century?

T.B.: The Black Sea holds significant political and economic importance for Georgia. Firstly, it serves as a crucial link to the West, providing access to resources and opportunities. The Black Sea plays a vital role in Georgia’s economic development and international trade. It acts as a key transit corridor between Europe and Asia, facilitated by sea ports such as Batumi and Poti. These ports enable the transportation of various goods, including agricultural products, energy resources, and valuable commodities, contributing to Georgia’s economic growth and integration into global markets.

Additionally, the Black Sea grants Georgia access to major trade routes and markets, fostering trade flows and strengthening political-economic cooperation. Georgia becomes an important player in the region, connecting neighboring countries like Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, as well as other European countries and Asia. The Black Sea’s energy resources and infrastructure are also noteworthy. Georgia leverages its strategic location by actively participating in energy projects, ensuring energy security, and establishing itself as a reliable partner. The Black Sea region serves as a transit route for significant oil and gas pipelines, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum gas pipeline. These connections allow the Caspian Sea region to access international markets while bypassing Russia, reducing Georgia’s dependence on a single supplier and enhancing its energy security.

Moreover, Georgia capitalizes on the Black Sea’s tourism potential. The coastal areas have become popular tourist destinations, thanks to infrastructure development projects that have made them more accessible and appealing. With its picturesque coastline and rich cultural attractions, Georgia attracts visitors from both regional and international markets. Tourism plays a crucial role in the country’s economy, contributing to job creation, infrastructure development, and foreign currency inflows.

The strategic significance of the Black Sea cannot be overlooked. Its proximity to major geopolitical actors and its potential as a transit corridor make it a vital maritime border for Georgia’s national security. Stability and security in the Black Sea region are essential not only for Georgia’s overall security and stability but also for the broader Euro-Atlantic community.

In conclusion, the Black Sea holds considerable political and economic importance for Georgia. It enables trade connections, ensures energy security, unlocks tourism potential, and holds strategic significance in terms of security and geostrategy. The development and effective management of Black Sea resources, as well as partnerships with regional and international actors, remain key priorities for Georgia’s political and economic development.

K.P.: A couple of weeks ago, Russia and Georgia reopened the air routes. What is the significance? Is this a sign of a geopolitical shift in Georgian foreign policy objectives?

T.B.: The abolition of the visa regime between Russia and Georgia has raised legitimate concerns and sparked questions about potential negative geopolitical consequences. On one hand, this move suggests a shift in Georgia’s goals and previously stated positions, aligning with Russia’s “do not provoke” policy. However, a significant number of Georgian citizens believe that Georgia’s aspirations for Euro-Atlantic integration remain unchanged and criticize the government for this step.

The Western orientation of Georgia and the aspirations of the majority of its people are clearly expressed in the Constitution of Georgia, Chapter Eleven, Article 78, which states that constitutional bodies must take all measures within their power to ensure Georgia’s full integration into the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This provision serves as the driving force behind Georgia’s Western aspirations. In my view, the resumption of flights between Georgia and Russia can be seen as an implicit acceptance or normalization of the occupation, which contradicts our long-standing stance on territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Furthermore, this decision can be seen as a departure from Georgia’s broader foreign policy objectives, including the pursuit of European integration and NATO membership. However, the ruling party emphasizes the importance of economic opportunities and argues that prioritizing economic and tourism interests is crucial for the country’s development. Nonetheless, the ambiguity surrounding political principles and national security issues raises doubts about the consistency and stability of Georgia’s foreign policy.

Additionally, the decision to open air routes without clear progress on conflict resolution or significant concessions from Russia is concerning, as it indicates the potential for increased dependence on Russia.Moreover, there are questions about the impact on regional dynamics and the possibility of geopolitical realignment. It could be interpreted as Russia’s adaptive response to the developments in Ukraine or an opportunity for Russia to evade sanctions. The course of events at a similar pace will undoubtedly have a significant impact on the balance of power and Georgia’s relations with its Western partners.

In conclusion, the abolition of the visa regime between Russia and Georgia has elicited valid concerns and raised doubts about the potential negative consequences on Georgia’s foreign policy objectives. While some argue for the economic benefits, others view it as a departure from Georgia’s Western aspirations and a sign of increased dependence on Russia. The implications for regional dynamics and Georgia’s relations with its Western partners are subject to ongoing scrutiny and evaluation.

K.P.: In your opinion, what would be a solution to peacefully solve the separatist conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia?

T.B.: In my opinion, one potential solution to the Abkhazia and South Ossetia issue would be to resolve the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which would create an opportunity for negotiations without the interference of a hostile third state. It is crucial to have sustained and inclusive dialogue involving all parties to the conflict. Additionally, considering the possibility of granting wide autonomy, similar to the existing autonomy in Adjara, could be discussed.

Restoring trust is of utmost importance as it will help create a favorable environment for negotiations. Impartial international actors such as the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), or other regional organizations should play a significant role in facilitating a peaceful resolution.

Promoting economic development and addressing socio-economic disparities in the conflict-affected regions can contribute to stability and reconciliation. Initiatives focused on economic growth should be pursued. However, initiating dialogue between the parties is essential, emphasizing that the confrontation between Abkhazians, Ossetians, and their Georgian counterparts is rooted in Russian propaganda and distorted historical narratives.

In the long term, a comprehensive approach that addresses socio-economic and political aspects is necessary. Efforts should be directed towards reconciliation and reintegration. This includes promoting mutual understanding, tolerance, and respect among different ethnic and cultural groups. Resolving the territorial dispute will be possible when Russia refrains from interfering in the internal politics of the country.

Foto: wikipedia
Foto: wikipedia

K.P.: Romania and Georgia have similar historic backgrounds up to a point. How can the relations be improved? How can Romania help Georgia in its quest for EU membership?

T.B.: To begin with, I would like to highlight the exceptional historical and cultural background shared by Georgia and Romania, which serves as a solid foundation for enhancing close relations and cooperation between the two nations. Both Georgia and Romania have experienced challenging battles for independence, facing various empires that sought to exert control. The shared desire for independence has shaped their identities and contributed to their distinctive cultural heritage. Georgia and Romania find common ground in their values, traditions, and practices. Notably, Romania’s membership in the European Union and NATO holds significant value for Georgia in its pursuit of EU integration. Romania can act as a strategic partner, offering knowledge and support based on its successful integration journey. Drawing inspiration from Romania’s example, Georgia can chart its own course towards European integration, benefitting from Romania’s guidance and cooperation. To strengthen relations between Romania and Georgia and to support Georgia’s EU aspirations, several steps can be taken:

Firstly, it is crucial to enhance bilateral cooperation in various fields, including trade, investment, culture, education, and tourism. Facilitating more youth exchange programs and fostering educational initiatives will empower the society and contribute to Georgia’s development.

Secondly, knowledge sharing plays a vital role. Romania’s extensive experience can be shared with Georgia, encompassing technical assistance, training programs, and the exchange of best practices in areas such as governance, rule of law, economic reforms, and harmonization of legislation with EU standards.

Support in areas like democratic governance, human rights, judicial reform, and anti-corruption measures is also essential. As Georgia’s closest partner, Romania can demonstrate a meaningful gesture by advocating for and highlighting Georgia’s achievements in EU institutions and among its member states.

Furthermore, Romania and Georgia can enhance regional cooperation within frameworks such as the Eastern Partnership, the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, or the Three Seas Initiative. Collaborating with other countries in the region can facilitate joint projects, infrastructure development, and economic integration, all of which will further advance Georgia’s European integration goals.

In summary, by deepening bilateral cooperation, sharing experiences, supporting reforms, advocating for Georgia’s EU aspirations, promoting regional cooperation, and facilitating cultural and educational exchanges, Romania can play a pivotal role in Georgia’s path towards EU accession.

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Romania, ambitious geopolitical objectives in the Black Sea region

Romania, ambitious geopolitical objectives in the Black Sea region

President Klaus Iohannis stated that Romania will continue to stand by the Republic of Moldova, which has been heavily affected by war, providing financial assistance, expertise, and political support. Romania will also support Ukraine in a “comprehensive and multidimensional” manner as long as it is necessary. The leader in Bucharest has merely reaffirmed the foreign policy strategy of recent years implemented by Romanian diplomacy. He said, “We will continue to support Ukraine comprehensively and multidimensionally, for as long as it is necessary. At the same time, we will continue to be with the Republic of Moldova, which has been severely affected by war, through unprecedented financial assistance, expertise, and political support in building an irreversible European path and in constructing a safe and prosperous state for all its citizens.”

Romania’s support for the Republic of Moldova is practically one of the only objectives considered crucial by Romanian parliamentary political parties for Romania’s national security.

Foto: Facebook
Foto: Facebook

The current priority for Bucharest’s diplomacy is to obtain the political decision to open negotiations for EU accession with the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine.

Since the outbreak of the war initiated by Russia, Romania’s solidarity with Ukraine has remained unwavering. Romania has received over 5.7 million Ukrainians, provided significant humanitarian aid, and facilitated the transit of over 22.5 million tons of Ukrainian agricultural products through its territory. These efforts are complemented by strong political support for Ukraine at the European Union and NATO levels, as well as Romania’s involvement in isolating Russia on the international stage.

The political elite in Bucharest is united in the belief that it is Romania’s duty to continue being a genuine provider of security and prosperity in the region, so that the Black Sea can become an area where peace and prosperity are no longer threatened.

Romania’s interest in strengthening the security format in the Black Sea basin has been highlighted by President Klaus Iohannis, who announced that at the Summit of the Three Seas Initiative (I3M) scheduled for September 6th in Bucharest, there are plans to expand the platform with a new participating state, Greece, and to grant the status of an associated participating state to Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.

Given the geopolitical context created by the war in Ukraine, the Three Seas Initiative can become a much more significant platform for consolidating regional and European resilience.

At the September 6, 2023 Summit in Bucharest, Romania aims to reaffirm the role of the Initiative in promoting economic growth and strategic interconnections. This includes strengthening and refining the tools of the Initiative and redefining its relationship with its geopolitically reconfigured neighborhood.

Romania is expected to deepen its bilateral relations with European partners, especially those with strategic relevance, such as Germany, France, Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom, Poland, Turkey, Greece, Bulgaria, Portugal, Belgium, Hungary, and the Baltic states.

Foto: presidency.ro
Foto: presidency.ro

The system of trilaterals, which has characterized part of Romania’s diplomatic efforts, should be consolidated and should not overlap with other initiatives. Trilaterals like Romania – Poland – Turkey, Romania – Republic of Moldova – Ukraine, or Romania – Poland – Spain address various security needs, and these regional options should not harm Romania’s interests in other areas, especially in the Black Sea basin.

An important aspect is Romania’s interest in ensuring access to energy resources that cannot be used for political purposes, following the Russian model. Romania should also continue to focus on the accelerated development of relations with partners in the South Caucasus, namely Azerbaijan and Georgia, given “the importance of this region in terms of energy and its role in the political, economic, and security configuration of the Black Sea.

Romania can indeed play a role in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, given the privileged bilateral relationships between Bucharest and the two capitals directly involved in the conflict, Baku and Yerevan. Even Romania’s good relations with Ankara can support this goal, even though Turkey may not view the involvement of other states in the stabilization of the region favorably. As a member of the European Union and NATO, Romania can provide unique expertise and participate in the deployment of a potential international peacekeeping force. Bucharest should support efforts to eliminate the harmful influence of the Russian Federation in the region, an influence that has led to the emergence of separatist conflicts in Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.

This remains the most vulnerable state in the Black Sea region, and Romania’s support is crucial for its survival as a viable entity.

Although the President of the European Council, Charles Michel, recently stated that the European Union should be prepared to accept new member states by 2030, it is challenging to believe that this ideal can be achieved due to the complex issues in the candidate countries: political, social, economic, and security challenges.

The six Western Balkan states – Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia – are at different stages in the process of EU accession.

Last year, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine were granted candidate status, and Georgia is also waiting to receive this status.

Of course, all candidate states must resolve their bilateral conflicts before joining the European Union, and Romania can play an important role in ensuring that none of the past conflicts become a hindrance to EU or NATO membership, as the case may be.

The EU should also implement internal reforms to prepare for expansion, and in this process, Romania can play an active role.

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Bulgaria, the tourism powerhouse of the Black Sea

Bulgaria, the tourism powerhouse of the Black Sea

The Russian military invasion of Ukraine has caused significant damage to the tourism sector in Bulgaria, a traditional touristic area for citizens of the Russian Federation, Ukraine or Belarus. Authorities in Sofia are trying to identify new solutions to boost this industry.

Foto: wikipedia/Michal Gorski
Foto: wikipedia/Michal Gorski

Tourism Tradition

Bulgaria is known for its natural beauty, the beaches along the Black Sea coast, and its rich cultural heritage. The tourism industry has been a significant sector for the Bulgarian economy, making substantial contributions to national income and job creation.

Bulgaria boasts a number of popular resorts along the Black Sea coast, such as Sunny Beach, Albena, and Golden Sands. These resorts attract tourists due to their beaches, water sports, and vibrant nightlife.

The Balkan state has a rich history and diverse cultural heritage. Cities like Sofia, Plovdiv, and Veliko Tarnovo are renowned for their historical attractions, monuments, and museums.

The Balkan Mountains run through Bulgaria, providing opportunities for mountain tourism, hiking, and winter sports during the colder season. Additionally, Bulgaria is recognized for its spa resorts and thermal baths, such as Bansko and Sandanski, which attract tourists seeking relaxation and healing.

Rural tourism is a growing segment in Bulgaria’s countryside, offering authentic experiences with picturesque villages, local traditions, and specific cuisine. This segment aims to attract both domestic and international tourists.”

Problems and Challenges

A significant issue for Bulgaria’s tourism industry is its outdated or underdeveloped infrastructure. Roads, public transportation, hotels, and other facilities have needed modernization to meet tourists’ requirements and expectations.

Being in a region with strong tourism competition is another challenge. Neighboring countries like Greece, Turkey, and Croatia are also popular tourist destinations, making Bulgaria compete to attract visitors.

Another major challenge has been the seasonal dependency on the summer season. Many of Bulgaria’s attractions, such as Black Sea coastal resorts, draw tourists mainly during the summer, leaving less active periods during the rest of the year.

Similar challenges are present in the winter tourism sector. Diversifying the offerings and promoting tourism during off-peak seasons are concerns to mitigate this seasonal dependence.

Past political instability and economic uncertainty negatively impacted tourists’ confidence in Bulgaria as a safe and attractive destination. Negative media coverage or inappropriate political events can influence tourists’ decisions to choose Bulgaria as their destination. Additionally, few foreign firms are willing to invest in a country known for corruption and political instability.

The rapid growth of tourism in Bulgaria has led to pressures on natural and cultural resources, as well as local communities. Issues like waste management, uncontrolled urban development, and the risk of over-tourism in certain places can threaten the long-term sustainability of the tourism industry.

Improving the quality of tourism services, including accommodations, food, and overall tourist services, is another challenge. Maintaining high standards and ensuring positive experiences for tourists are crucial aspects for the industry’s long-term success, as indicated by specialized studies.

Foto: Facebook

Russian Influx

As of my last update in September 2021, Russian tourists played a significant role in Bulgaria’s tourism industry. Russians were one of the largest groups of foreign tourists visiting Bulgaria in recent years.

During certain periods, Bulgaria was a preferred destination for Russian tourists, especially for vacations along the Black Sea. The country’s proximity to Russia, relatively affordable prices, and coastal attractions were factors that attracted a substantial number of Russian tourists. Several tens of thousands of Russian citizens have purchased properties in Bulgarian tourist areas, both mountainous and coastal, using them as vacation homes or investments. This has impacted the real estate market in certain areas.

Coastal resorts like Sunny Beach and Golden Sands were among the most popular destinations for Russian tourists. The beaches, nightlife, and attractive prices contributed to the popularity of these resorts.

Most Russian tourists preferred to visit Bulgaria during the summer season due to the pleasant climate and appealing beaches. This brought a significant flow of visitors, particularly during the summer months.

Bulgarian experts acknowledged that the presence of Russian tourists had a significant impact on the Bulgarian economy by creating jobs in the tourism industry, generating sales of services and goods, and contributing to state revenue through taxes and fees.

Russian tourists contributed to the overall increase in visitor numbers to Bulgaria, especially during the summer season. This rise in tourist numbers had a positive effect on the economy, generating significant income for businesses in the tourism sector. The presence of Russian tourists also boosted sales across various sectors, including accommodations, restaurants, souvenir shops, excursions, and car rental services. These sales positively impacted local businesses.

The choice of Bulgaria as a vacation destination by Russian tourists helped promote the country in the Russian market and other markets. Positive experiences by Russian tourists could generate good reviews and recommendations for potential visitors.

To cater to the needs and preferences of Russian tourists, Bulgaria’s tourism industry developed and diversified the range of services and facilities offered. This included providing accommodation options, food, and leisure activities that would attract this specific group of tourists, originating from the Russian Federation and other CIS states.

Foto: Facebook
Foto: Facebook

Expanding Tourism

Foreign visitors made 1.8 million trips to Bulgaria in July 2023, which is 19.7% more than the same period last year. The majority of visits to Bulgaria were made by citizens from Turkey (266,400), Romania (224,900), Ukraine (214,600), Germany (180,000), Poland (96,600), Serbia (75,600), Greece (72,500), Czech Republic (60,600), the United Kingdom (59,800), and France (41,500).

Transit through Bulgaria accounted for 35.9% (658,300) of the total foreign visitor trips to Bulgaria.

In the same July period, Bulgarian residents made 820,500 trips abroad, which is 12.1% more than the same period last year. The most frequent travel destinations were Turkey (220,900), Greece (216,400), Romania (60,400), Germany (54,400), Serbia (46,600), Italy (28,100), Austria (23,000), Spain (21,700), France (21,400), and the United Kingdom (17,300).

Holiday and recreation trips accounted for the largest portion of Bulgarian residents’ trips abroad in July, at 44.8%, followed by trips for other purposes (education, cultural and sports events) at 38.6%, and business-related travel at 16.6%.

During this period, Bulgaria is seeing over 30% more bookings compared to last year, and revenues are up by 50%. It is expected to welcome 13 million foreign visitors in 2023, as previously stated by Rumen Draganov, a director at the Institute for Analysis and Assessments in Tourism, as reported by the media.

“If we end the year with around 13 million foreign visitors in total, we will surpass the level of 2019, when there were 12.5 million. During the winter, there were many satisfied tourists, not only in winter sports and spa segments, but also in cultural tourism in historical urban areas and other types, like visiting friends and relatives. We have an excess in accommodation and continue construction works,” stated Draganov.

Foto: Facebook

Nessebar Strategy

The 45th session of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee will take place in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in September 2023, when the proposal to include the city of Nessebar on the List of World Heritage in Danger will be voted on, according to local authorities in Nessebar. This move is part of Sofia authorities’ strategy to strengthen the country’s image, especially after the COVID pandemic and the Russian military invasion of Ukraine.

In a report released in July, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) launched this proposal as Bulgaria failed to implement previous recommendations regarding the preservation of the authenticity of the old city.

One of the recommendations is the decommissioning of the port and marina facilities beyond the limits of the peninsula where the old city is located. This recommendation was deemed unacceptable because the port serves a traditional function for Nessebar, existing before the Old Town was designated as a World Heritage site in 1983, according to the Nessebar Municipality.

Local authorities also added that the Port Authority objects to this recommendation as the city’s ports have sustained the local community’s livelihood for a long time and are part of the peninsula’s history. Decommissioning the ports would affect the lives of the local population and their millennia-old connection with the sea.

The latest ICOMOS monitoring report also identifies the absence of a plan for conserving and managing Nessebar as a World Heritage site.

However, local authorities contend that the report did not consider several projects implemented for conserving and restoring medieval churches, as well as upcoming projects mentioned in Nessebar Municipality’s plans for managing the old city.

“Nessebar will maintain its status as a World Heritage site. The measure to designate it as a heritage site in danger is aimed at preserving its cultural heritage. The historic center of Vienna is currently on the list. The designation of Venice as a heritage site in danger will also be on the agenda in the Riyadh meeting, along with other historical, archaeological, and natural sites from various parts of the world. I believe Nessebar will never lose its status as a World Heritage site, but the public, local and central authorities must understand that our most important role is as guardians of a unique and culturally unparalleled landmark,” wrote the mayor of Nessebar, Nikolai Dimitrov.

Foto: wikipedia
Foto: wikipedia

Bulgarian Effort

Prime Minister Nikolai Denkov will host the Prime Minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, and the Prime Minister of Romania, Marcel Ciolacu, on October 9 at the Euxinograd Residence (near Varna). President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and the President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, have also been invited. This meeting was set during Prime Minister Denkov’s one-day visit to Athens, as announced by the Sofia government’s press office.

The Bulgarian side hopes that by expediting the construction of infrastructure between these states, tourism will also benefit.

The main subject of discussions near Varna will be regional connectivity, particularly the project for a corridor from Thessaloniki via Kavala, Alexandroupolis, Burgas, and Varna to Constanța, with a possible extension to the Republic of Moldova. The idea is to build modern transportation, communication, and energy infrastructure along this route, which will strengthen economic and political ties between the involved countries. The future corridor will function even more efficiently if all the countries along the route become members of the Schengen Area and borders between them are eliminated.

Joining the Schengen Area is considered vital by Bulgaria to boost Bulgarian tourism, given that the Balkan state relies significantly on this sector.”

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Tbilisi-Moscow, 15 years since the August 2008 war

Tbilisi-Moscow, 15 years since the August 2008 war

Relations between the Republic of Georgia and the Russian Federation remain a sensitive and complex subject at the regional and international levels, amid Moscow’s military aggression against Ukraine. A turning point in the relations between the two countries was the 2008 War between Georgia and Russia. The conflict took place mainly in the region of South Ossetia, where Georgian troops intervened to restore control over the breakaway territory. In response, Russia intervened militarily and bombed Georgian infrastructure. This confrontation led to a dramatic deterioration of relations between the two countries and the international recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia by Russia, although most countries do not recognize them as independent states.

Old problems

The Republic of Georgia has long expressed its desire to get closer to the European Union and NATO. The country signed an Association Agreement with the EU in 2014, which also included the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This meant a significant approach to European standards and values. But for Russia, this move was perceived as a threat to its influence in the region and generated hostile reactions.

Russia has been accused several times of trying to influence Georgia’s domestic politics, either through support for pro-Russian political parties or movements, or through propaganda. This fueled tensions and undermined the process of normalizing relations between the two countries.

The Kremlin imposed economic restrictions on Georgia between 2006 and 2013, affecting Georgian exports to the Russian market. This had a significant impact on Georgia’s economy and damaged trade relations.

The situation in the separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia remains one of major conflict. Russia has recognized their independence and maintains significant military presence in these regions and continues to support them politically and economically. This prevents the peaceful resolution of conflicts and contributes to regional tensions.

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Chisinau, security dilemmas on the eve of the elections

Chisinau, security dilemmas on the eve of the elections

The Chisinau Parliament decided to extend the state of emergency by 60 days, a decision taken at the request of the Government of the Republic of Moldova. The Prime Minister from Chisinau, Dorin Recean, invoked the imminent danger to the security of the country due to the war in Ukraine. The opposition harshly criticized this decision, calling for early parliamentary and presidential elections.

State of emergency

55 deputies voted for the extension of the state of emergency after the prime minister from Chisinau, Dorin Recean, came to the Parliament, presenting the arguments in this regard. “The war is near us, especially lately, when the civilian infrastructure in Odessa is being bombed. The Russian Federation is attacking our neighbors, killing them and making it difficult for them to live. This, indisputably, also affects us by disrupting logistics chains, breaking transport chains and the hybrid war that Russia is waging against the Republic of Moldova”, said the Prime Minister. According to the officials from Chisinau, the risks to the security of the Republic of Moldova are high, including “because of the attacks in the immediate vicinity of the NATO border, in the Odesa and Reni regions, close to the border of the Republic of Moldova. Also, the country will be affected after the suspension of the agreement on the export of grain through the Black Sea basin, imposed by Russia on July 17, which will lead to the increase of grain transit through the country. The authorities also say that the country remains exposed to hybrid warfare, through the promotion of false information, military manipulation and inter-ethnic violence. At the same time, the war in Ukraine could prevent the supply of natural gas and electricity to the Republic of Moldova”.

The Republic of Moldova has been in a state of emergency since February 24, 2022, the day Russia invaded Ukraine. Since then, it has been extended several times. According to the act, during the state of emergency, CSE members can issue binding and enforceable provisions for the heads of central and local public administration authorities, economic agents, public institutions, but also for citizens of the Republic of Moldova and foreigners in the country.

The opposition accuses

The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, is dealing with the “witch hunt” in Gagauzia and is taking all possible measures to destabilize the situation in the region, said the oligarch Ilan Șor, convicted in the Republic of Moldova for participating in the famous theft of the billion, launched accusations to the head of state Maia Sandu whom he called a “dictator” who is destabilizing the region. Ilan Şor said that Sandu is trying to show himself in a favorable light in front of the “western masters” before the upcoming elections, through unfriendly actions against UTA Gagauzia. “The elections are approaching and the dictator Sandu must prove that she is not staying in Chisinau and receiving money from the West for nothing. Driven by paranoia, she is organizing a “witch hunt,” said the fugitive politician, who is on the US and EU sanctions list.

For his part, Vlad Batrîncea, the vice-president of the Parliament, the president of the BCS faction, criticized the decision of the Recean government. He pointed out that the opposition expressed against the extension of the state of emergency, a situation in which investments do not come, it is not an economic program. “The state of emergency is convenient only for those who want to make purchases secretly, to manage public money non-transparently, outside of legal and parliamentary procedures.” At the end of the briefing, Vlad Batrîncea reiterated that the country needs early parliamentary elections. According to the deputy, BCS initiated a motion of censure against the Recean government, which is the shortest way to these elections. Vlad Batrîncea urged all the opposition forces in the country, including the extra-parliamentary parties, to consolidate around this idea, to organize free and fair early parliamentary elections, so that people capable of managing public affairs in the interest of the citizens come to power.

Secret Service War The Intelligence and Security Service of the Republic of Moldova (SIS) announced that, after starting the necessary legal procedures, it denounced the Partnership Agreement with the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation (FSB). Official notifications have been sent to the authorities of the Russian Federation. At the same time, the Service submitted strict measures, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration of the Republic of Moldova, to denounce the cooperation agreement with the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation (SVR), according to a press release from the SIS sent to the media. “Starting with February 24, 2022, with the invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, the cooperation relations of the Intelligence and Security Service with the special services of the Russian Federation were stopped, so that the agreements given have no practical applicability, being in fact non-functional. The inconsistency and dissonance of the provisions of these agreements with the national interest and security of the Republic of Moldova argues for the denunciation process initiated by the Intelligence and Security Service”, argued the SIS representatives. Moreover, the provisions of these agreements, signed in 1994, including the additional protocols, represented legal clauses invoked by the Russian Federation to argue the presence of representatives of the Russian special services in the region to the left of the Dniester in the Republic of Moldova. Thus, with the denunciation of these agreements, such “arguments” can no longer be advanced by the Russian Federation, SIS mentions. “The Intelligence and Security Service does not maintain external partnership relations with similar structures of other states, which clearly defy the legislation and act to the detriment of national security, carry out subversive activities against the Republic of Moldova, including undermining the functionality of the state’s democratic institutions, destabilization of the socio-political, economic situation and jeopardizing the territorial integrity of the country”, the SIS representatives concluded.

Harsh statements

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Integration of the Republic of Moldova (MAEIE) qualified on Thursday as “false and slanderous” the latest statements of the spokeswoman of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maria Zaharova, according to which a rapprochement of Chisinau with NATO would mean the loss of sovereignty by the Republic Moldova, according to the daily Ziarul Naţional from Chişinău. In a statement, the MAEIE emphasizes that it is Russia that does not respect the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova and illegally maintains military troops on its territory in Transnistria. “The relations of the Republic of Moldova with various international organizations, including NATO, represent the sovereign and independent decision of our republic. Regarding the Republic of Moldova-NATO partnership, it already has a history of 30 years, being oriented towards the development of the capacities to counter the new complex challenges and ensuring the security of citizens and our state”, the press release states. At the same time, “we mention that the neutrality of the Republic of Moldova does not mean self-isolation. The authorities develop partnerships with those organizations and states that support and contribute to the maintenance of peace and security in our republic”, states the diplomacy from Chisinau. MAEIE recalls that, at the NATO Summit in Vilnius on July 11, the North Atlantic Alliance reiterated its support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty, independence and respect for the neutrality status of the Republic of Moldova. NATO states also declared that they support the sovereign right of the Republic of Moldova to choose its development model, its foreign policy course and to decide its future without outside interference. “In the same vein, we suggest the official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia to read in full article 11 of the Constitution of our country, including paragraph (2) which specifies that the Republic of Moldova does not allow the deployment of military troops of other states on its territory, or namely, the Russian Federation directly violates this article”, concludes the MAEIE statement. The Empire Strikes Back The authorities of the Republic of Moldova should be aware that the country’s approach to NATO leads to a total loss of sovereignty, the spokeswoman of the Russian MFA, Maria Zaharova, said on Thursday, quoted by the official Russian news agency TASS. “Let’s hope that the Moldovan political class is still aware of the fact that (the Republic of Moldova)’s approach to NATO not only does not bring more security, but on the contrary leads to a total loss of sovereignty”, Zaharova declared in a press conference . Russia has repeatedly expressed its position towards the “provocative policy of continuing the expansion of NATO, especially the attraction of the Republic of Moldova into the Alliance, despite its status of neutrality enshrined in its Constitution”, she stated. “We observe a consistent increase in the interaction between pro-Western forces in Chisinau and Euro-Atlantic structures contrary to national interests and without taking into account the opinions of their own citizens”, she added, stating that over 60% of Moldovan citizens oppose their country’s membership in NATO. “Obviously, the Moldovan people, traditionally friendly to Russia, unlike their current leaders, are fully aware of the aggressive nature of the North Atlantic bloc and understand that the situation in neighboring Ukraine was largely caused by irresponsible attempts at expansion of the Alliance”, emphasized Zaharova. “It is unlikely that the population of the Republic of Moldova would want it to become – under the pretext of implementing various partnership formats – another testing ground for geopolitical confrontations”, concluded the spokeswoman of the Russian MFA. Photo: wikipedia Western support The Republic of Moldova received consistent financial support from international organizations. In the most recent example, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) has approved an additional financing, worth 165 million euros, for the Republic of Moldova to buy natural gas, the president of the EBRD, Odile Renaud-Basso, recently stated in an interview for the Infotag press agency. The EBRD official recalled that last year the financial institution offered the Republic of Moldova a revolving loan of 300 million euros for gas purchases, which helped Moldova to purchase gas from alternative sources in Europe for the first time, instead of taking at the Russian group Gazprom. “In 2023 we will continue to increase funding for Moldova. We have approved an additional financing worth 165 million euros for the purchase of gas… The funds, totaling 465 million euros, will allow the government to buy 75% of the gas the country needs”, said Odile Renaud – Basso.

Gas deliveries frequently caused tensions between the Republic of Moldova and Russia until the end of last year, as until now Chisinau depended almost exclusively on Gazprom for gas imports.

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