Tbilisi-Moscow, 15 years since the August 2008 war

Tbilisi-Moscow, 15 years since the August 2008 war

Relations between the Republic of Georgia and the Russian Federation remain a sensitive and complex subject at the regional and international levels, amid Moscow’s military aggression against Ukraine. A turning point in the relations between the two countries was the 2008 War between Georgia and Russia. The conflict took place mainly in the region of South Ossetia, where Georgian troops intervened to restore control over the breakaway territory. In response, Russia intervened militarily and bombed Georgian infrastructure. This confrontation led to a dramatic deterioration of relations between the two countries and the international recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia by Russia, although most countries do not recognize them as independent states.

Old problems

The Republic of Georgia has long expressed its desire to get closer to the European Union and NATO. The country signed an Association Agreement with the EU in 2014, which also included the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). This meant a significant approach to European standards and values. But for Russia, this move was perceived as a threat to its influence in the region and generated hostile reactions.

Russia has been accused several times of trying to influence Georgia’s domestic politics, either through support for pro-Russian political parties or movements, or through propaganda. This fueled tensions and undermined the process of normalizing relations between the two countries.

The Kremlin imposed economic restrictions on Georgia between 2006 and 2013, affecting Georgian exports to the Russian market. This had a significant impact on Georgia’s economy and damaged trade relations.

The situation in the separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia remains one of major conflict. Russia has recognized their independence and maintains significant military presence in these regions and continues to support them politically and economically. This prevents the peaceful resolution of conflicts and contributes to regional tensions.

Share our work

Kremlin: espionage and culture in Chisinau

The war in Ukraine brought to the attention of public opinion the external structures of the Russian Federation and their actions carried out to support Moscow’s interests in third countries, deshedi.md reports. One of these institutions promoting Russia’s interests, especially in the field of propaganda, is the Russian Center for Science and Culture from the Republic of Moldova, a branch of the Federal Agency of the Russian Federation “Rossotrudnichestvo”.

Share our work

Girgi Gvalia: there is a national agreement at the level of the population and at the level of the political elite that the future of Georgia lies in Europe.

Mr. Giorgi Gvalia is Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs and Professor of Politics and International Relations at Ilia State University, Tbilisi, Georgia. In the period 2013-2021, he held the position of dean of the School of Arts and Sciences at Ilia State University. His academic interests include theories of international relations, small states in international relations, Europeanization in the post-Soviet space, and post-Soviet politics and international relations. His publications have appeared in various prestigious international publications in the field of security studies, foreign policy analysis and East European politics. His current research focuses on democracy promotion in the EU, Georgia’s foreign policy and security challenges in the wider Black Sea region. In addition to academic positions, Giorgi Gvalia has also worked at several state and non-state institutions, including the Georgian Association for Public Opinion Research (President), the National Security Council of Georgia (Senior Advisor), and the Georgian Foundations for Strategic and International Studies (Researcher ).K.P.: The Republic of Georgia is facing a turbulent political period. Can Tbilisi stay on its path to becoming a member of NATO and the European Union?Giorgi Gvalia: Yes, that’s a good question. Yes. Categorical. We have a rather difficult situation at the moment in the country. And these difficulties are primarily related to the countries’ foreign policy preferences or orientation. You are probably well aware that Georgia has been one of the most pro-European countries in the EU’s eastern neighborhood, perhaps after the Baltic states. Georgia has been considered one of the most pro-European countries and this kind of image of Georgia being very pro-European has been special since the Rose Revolution of 2003. Since then Georgia has positioned itself as an ally of the West, within the former union of post-Soviet states and we had tangible achievements in our relations with the EU, NATO, the United States, with other European countries. So, in general, there was kind of this national agreement at the level of the population and at the level of the political elite that Georgia’s future is in Europe. For Europe to be like our home and we were taken, let’s say from our natural place because of the Soviet occupation and now it’s time to restore this injustice and now we should go back. The turnout started to change a bit after a new government, the existing government came to power. At first, the government claimed that they were pursuing so-called complementarity in foreign policy.

Meaning that they were openly saying that we have to balance our foreign policy priorities and that on the one hand we have to try to normalize relations with Russia, but at the same time we should keep this way of directing Western policy, but I think , and most Georgia observers would say that these approaches, while they might sound very pragmatic, one this approach is prone to failure, you know, because you can’t balance these two goals. I mean you can’t. Because we have quite a rich experience of our relations with Russia, even during Shevardnadze’s time. He was also trying to pursue this foreign policy balancing act, but was unable to do so. Even Sakashvilli, when he came to power after the rose revolution, the first months of his presidency appeared normalizing relations with Russia, but then we realized that only by bringing these two goals together or to have good relations with Russia, and we also want to become a NATO member. it’s just impossible because Russia won’t let you. You know because they won’t allow you to get closer to the EU and NATO and I think this government has tried to balance two objectives, which cannot be balanced, you know the rest and the situation has become much more difficult after the legality of Russia and are provoked well or are you kindly concerned because this war in Ukraine has made the situation much.

Share our work
Wagner, between the war in Ukraine and oligarchic interests

Wagner, between the war in Ukraine and oligarchic interests

The armed rebellion of the Wagner mercenaries showed the apparent fragility of Vladimir Putin’s regime. With the road open to Moscow, armed mercenaries led by “Putin’s Chef”, including contingents recruited from the Russian prison system, crossed the border into Russia from occupied Ukrainian territories and took control of the city of Rostov, a major logistical hub and military from southern Russia. The Wagner mercenaries then took the M4 highway leading to Moscow without encountering much resistance. The lack of combativeness of the regular military forces has opened a veritable Pandora’s Box, from the loyalty of the Russian command corps to the Kremlin to the intense infighting between the political-oligarchic groups that control the vast system of intelligence and security services in the Russian Federation. The Wagner Group has recruited extensively from among convicts in Russia’s penal system, and the company’s top leaders include disgraced former members of the Russian military.

Share our work